Gradually, in the fall and winter of 1993/94, King Hussein and his brother Crown Prince Hassan bin Talal realized that the Israeli-Palestinian talks were in fact an excellent opportunity for Jordan. Hassan was to be the king`s closest adviser in conversations with Rabin and Halevy. Jordan had long abstained from a peace treaty with Israel because it did not want to stand before the Palestinians. It did not want a separate agreement with Israel, as President Anwar Sadat had done for Egypt. Yet Arafat spoke directly with the Israelis to conclude a peace agreement: Jordan would not be alone. Even the Syrians have engaged with Israel through the Americans. Jordan was free to negotiate a peace treaty with Israel, after decades of secret contacts initiated by king Abdullah`s grandfather in Hussein, without fear of a reaction from other Arabs. In a 2001 video, Mr. Netanyahu, who did not know it had been recorded, said: “Before the elections, they asked me if I was going to honor [the Oslo Accords]… I said I would, but [that] I will interpret the chords in such a way that I will gallop to the 67 limits. How did we do that? No one said what the military zones were. Defined military zones are safe zones; For me, the whole Jordan Valley is a defined military zone. Go ahead and argue.   Mr.
Netanyahu went on to explain how he conditioned his signing of the 1997 Hebron Agreement to U.S. approval, that there were no inferences from “certain military locations” and insisted that he be able to indicate which areas constitute a “military site” – like the entire Jordan Valley. “Why is it important? Because from that moment on, I stopped the Oslo Accords,” Netanyahu said.  However, this is clearly in line with Yitzhak Rabin`s October 1995 statement to the Knesset regarding the ratification of the Oslo Interim Agreement: “B. The security border of the State of Israel will be in the Jordan Valley, in the broadest sense of the word.   While the final goal at Camp David was a “peace treaty between Israel and Jordan, in light of the agreement reached in the final status of the West Bank and Gaza Strip,” the Oslo negotiations were direct between Israel and the PLO and aimed at concluding a peace treaty directly between these groups. The Oslo Accords, like the Camp David Agreements of 1978, were aimed only at an interim agreement that allowed the first steps to be taken. This should be followed by negotiations on a full settlement within five years. However, when an Israeli-Jordanian peace treaty was concluded on 26 October 1994, it was without the Palestinians. After Israel rejected an alternative Arab League peace plan in March 2002, Palestinian attacks increased, leading Israel to turn again to military intervention in the West Bank.
A cycle of terrorist attacks, RF repression and failed diplomacy continued over the next two years. A second agreement from the Oslo negotiations signed in 1995 divided the occupied West Bank into three unrelated regions: Areas A, B and C. AreaS A initially accounted for 3% of the West Bank and rose to 18% in 1999. In Area A, the Palestinian Authority controls most of the files. Area B now accounts for about 21% of the West Bank. He also wanted Halevy as Israel`s chief negotiator. Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres is expected to be excluded from the talks. Hussein had a bitter experience with Peres and believed he was a visitor who could not keep a secret. Hussein was particularly upset that Peres was unable to provide Israeli support for a secret agreement signed in London in 1987. He was also aware that Rabin and Pere were rivals.
In the 1980s, there was an act of violence in which Palestinians clashed with Jewish settlers in the occupied territories. In 1982, Israel invaded Lebanon to drive out the PLO.