It`s not abstract, it`s very real. Those who believe that the efforts made so far have been insufficient and that the failure is due in part to the lack of follow-up by the international community in the implementation of the agreements, now insist that international participation be even greater in the outbreak of the conflict they initiated in North and South Sudan. Given the suffering caused by this war, the casualties and the rapid increase in the number of refugees, it is difficult to argue that stopping fighting between North and South – and other conflicts affecting both countries – should not be mandatory. However, in the face of past shortcomings, serious discussion is needed as to whether such efforts to help affected populations will make it easier for leaders to continue hostilities. The United Nations Mission in South Sudan, which has until 8 July 2012 a mandate to assist the South Sudanese government in its state-building and economic development efforts, launched a major humanitarian effort in December and sent a battalion to Pibor to monitor the fighting. Attacks and violence continued, however, resulting in thousands of deaths and the return of some 120,000 people. In February 2012, Lou Nuer expressed his willingness to cooperate with Ethiopian tribes to form a border force to “sub-quarantine” the Murle tribe, reflecting the spread of the conflict. In March 2012, the South Sudanese government announced the launch of a disarmament campaign in Jonglei, led by the SPLA, in a number of counties; While a considerable number of weapons have been assembled so far, clashes have taken place with the SPLA and both Murle and Lou Nuer are reluctant to give up arms, unless their rivals promise to do the same. The African Union mediator, Thabo Mbeki, announced early Saturday the agreement on the amount that South Sudan must pay for the export of its oil by Sudan. The failure of the CPA`s conflict resolution efforts raises many questions about the past. On the one hand, why did the attempt fail? Is it because the zealous negotiators have largely succeeded in persuading both sides to sign a series of agreements that they did not believe or want to respect, or is it because the international community has not exerted enough pressure to ensure the implementation of the agreement? Of course, the most important issues are the future, not the past.
The Merov Dam is not the only politically controversial dam project pursued by the government. Khartoum also increases the height of the Roseires Dam in the Blue Nile State. The project, which is expected to be completed by June 2012, is expected to drive away up to 22,000 more families and promise both discontent and widespread instability. Projects to launch projects in Kajbar and Dal are also threatening the lives of the Nubian population and are expected to lead to a “humanitarian catastrophe” and cause “fear of another Darfur”. 10 On the most fundamental level, Abyei is a small area permanently inhabited by a southern population, the Ngok Dinka, but which is also widely used during certain seasons by the nomadic Misseriya who, after rain and pasture, bring their cattle across the border. It was this mixed use of the country that, in 1905, led to the transfer of the area, historically composed of nine Dinka chiefs, to the control of Kordofan. The local land-use problem could probably have been solved if the two sides had agreed on a soft border allowing nomads to go back and forth as traditionally.